e-Newsletter - October 2006

 

 

October 26, 2006 Volume 1, Issue 7
Religious Freedom in Dialogue
In This Issue
 



Upcoming Events

IFC Logo

The 27th InterFaith Concert: A Celebration of the Sacred in Song, Dance, and Chant

When: November 14th 2006 at 7:30pm

Where: Washington Hebrew Congregation, 3935 Macomb St. NW at Mass. Ave.

Cost: $15 general admission, $30 reserve section. Those buying two or more reserved section tickets or donors contributing $60 or more are listed in the concert program.

Contact Mike Goggin at 202-234-6300 x. 202 for more information.

200 Dialogues: How Well Do You Know Your Muslim Neighbor?

The IFC is facilitating dialogues on Islam in America through an innovative grassroots dialogue project with Unity Production Foundation. Small groups view the film, Muhammad: Legacy of a Prophet and dialogue about Islam, America, contemporary identity, values, politics, and other faiths. These dialogues are informal and easy to host (the IFC provides a discussion packet and will help with logistics). Most importantly, they also provide you with an opportunity to work towards respect, unity, and peace.

Contact Lindsay Barrett at 202-234-6300 for more information.

DC's First Annual InterFaith Film Festival Premiering in 2007

Three special evenings of film focusing on the following themes: Challenges to Religious Freedom, The Struggle for Peace and Reconciliation, and Freedom or Oppression: Women and Religion. Receptions will precede the films on opening and closing nights. Discussions with the filmmakers and community leaders will follow each screening. Sponsorships and contributions are needed for the film festival, individual film screenings, and receptions. This is an excellent intern opportunity. If you would like to participate in planning this event, please contact Festival Director Laura Seltzer at Laura@Se ltzerFilmVideo.com.

Find out more....

Links and Blogs: Religion and Politics


 

Greetings!

We thought we had become accustomed to biting off a little more than we could chew in these e- newsletter themes. But with this issue and its theme of "Faith & Politics," we think we've bitten off way more than we can chew—at least in a single issue. We also think you'll agree that the topic is more important than ever, not only in the United States, as we approach mid-term elections, but also worldwide.

Courtney Erwin and Mark Hoelter offer their reflections on faith-and-politics relationships. One of IFC's active Board members, Mr. Randy Benn, who is also a Presbyterian Elder and "on the Hill" negotiating for justice here in Washington, asks if Faith & Politics are in "an uneasy alliance or an unholy one." Our relatively new intern, Lindsay Barrett, reviews Jim Wallis's book, God and Politics. We shine a spotlight on the new National Sikh Gurdwara, with whom IFC has worked a lot and who is helping IFC with some upcoming interfaith dialogues.

Last of all, we're just a few weeks away from the 27th annual InterFaith Concert—November 14, at the Washington Hebrew Congregation, at the corner of Macomb and Massachusetts Avenue. If you've never been to this colorful, joyful, inspiring event, by all means, don't miss this year's. And if you have been to one of these concerts, you won't want to miss this year's either.


Prophetic Politics? Our Responsibilities to God, State, and Each Other
Courtney Erwin

By Courtney Erwin, Coordinator for Religious Freedom

"You know, separation of church and state is an oxymoron."

I looked up from my stack of articles addressing religious freedom and church–state separation issues. My conversations on transnational flights usually began with inquiries about my final destination or comments about the uncomfortable temperature in the cabin. Considering my line of work, I found this remark a bit controversial and deserving of my full attention.

I looked at my seatmate and he continued: "Politicians, who work in government in the service of the state, are not capable of separating their religious views and values from their political decisions. So, there you have it. There is no such thing as separation of church and state."

In the ensuing five-hour conversation, I learned a little bit about this gentleman next to me, who was a democratic senator in the Washington State Senate and an ardent and committed Evangelical Christian. A number of times during our discussion, which included our perspectives on religious freedom, church–state separation, religion and politics, Islam, and interfaith work, he told me that he was surprised at the civility and composure of our exchange. He was often reluctant to talk about these things because of the heated and emotional reactions he often encountered. I must have appeared relatively benign.

Talk of politics and religion, independently, inflames passions and elicits anxieties. Approaching both topics, together, requires patience, compassion, and an intrepid spirit. And yet this discussion is critically important. Ejecting religion and politics from polite conversation may avert distressing dinner table arguments and awkward moments at cocktail parties. But, such "isolationist" policy compromises our individual and collective competency to address an issue that is becoming more and more urgent for a number of reasons.

Religion may be declining in many countries, but according to Ronald Inglehart, Chairman of the World Values Survey, "There are more people alive today with traditional religious beliefs than ever before in history, and they’re a larger percentage of the world’s population than they were twenty years ago." Post-industrial secularization has failed to make religion irrelevant. In fact, religion’s influence in the political arena appears to be growing. Timothy Samuel Shah, senior Pew Forum fellow and author of the article, "Why God is Winning," contends, "In North and South America, sub-Saharan Africa, North Africa, the Middle East, Asia, and even in Europe and Russia, religion is enjoying significant and growing political influence—more so now than perhaps any time in recent memory."

Shah goes on to note the increasingly public role of Islam in domestic and global politics and the role of Evangelical Christians in the 2004 presidential election in this country. He also mentions some less familiar contemporary religious political movements around the world—Pentecostals in Latin America and Africa, Hindu nationalists in India, Buddhist revivalists in Southeast Asia and Sri Lanka, and Catholic charismatics in the Phillipines—that are influencing mainstream public life and shifting politics in a more religious direction.

What accounts for this burgeoning religiosity? Shah suggests that "God's comeback" is due to the global expansion of freedom. People who are politically empowered have the opportunity to shape their public lives in new ways. This includes exercising political freedoms that challenge secular restraints and allow for greater religious influence on political life. Even in some rich, advanced industrial societies, Inglehart contends that, in politics, religious issues are more relevant and value questions are more central.

Distinguishing itself, and living up to its much- lauded "exceptionalism," is the United States. It is an extremely wealthy country that is also extremely religious. According to Andrew Kohut, President of the Pew Research Center, there has been a rise in the percentage of seculars but that has been offset by the rise in the percentage of intensely religious people. This may be linked to the founding of this country as a refuge for religious dissidents and the cultural–religious–national identity that these origins created. Additionally, if we accept that greater freedom encourages religiosity, then the American exceptionalism in this area makes sense. More specifically, the religious freedoms afforded in this country are perhaps the most generous in the world.

Why does this information matter? Haven’t religion and politics always endured the benefits and challenges of a tumultuous marriage? Religion has rallied disparate groups around urgent issues of social justice and human rights, calling on the political conscience to rise above partisan divisions to promote justice. Martin Luther King Jr.'s work for civil rights, the Jewish community’s leadership on ending the crisis in Darfur, the Unitarian Universalists' commitment to the environment come immediately to mind. But, religion has also been a divisive element for hot-button political issues, which are so controversial precisely because religion is involved. Some of today's most contentious issues include the hijab (Muslim veil), conscience clauses in certain healthcare legislation, abortion, and gay marriage.

The latter issues are the type that most concern everyone, regardless of religious affiliation. They are also what compel each generation to question whether a politician’s personal religion will be involved in the political process. In other words, how much will religion dictate politics and politics dictate religion? John F. Kennedy responded to misgivings about his Catholicism, Joseph Lieberman’s Judaism was brought up during his run for vice president, and now, Keith Ellison has received quite a lot of press, largely because he might be the first Muslim in the U.S. Congress.

I do not believe that we can or should disengage religion and politics from each other. However, I strongly disagree with my friend on the flight from Seattle to DC about church–state separation. Instead, I see the separation of church and state as a mechanism for responsibly navigating the often murky waters that surround religion and politics. As the United States shows, separation of church and state has not inhibited religious expression; indeed, it has encouraged it. It has also provided us with a space to have productive debates, discussions, and dialogues about the relationship between these two inevitables of human life.

The legal, political, and social infrastructure created from the idea of church–state separation seeks to guarantee an appropriate relationship—not an absence of relationship—between religion and state. It is one, however, that must conform to the principles, boundaries, and laws established by a modern, pluralistic society. Moreover, this society will continue to redefine and challenge politics and religion while diligently questioning the responsibilities of each to the other. Rather than rigid divisions, on the one hand, or intertwined alliances on the other, the U.S. will continue its noteworthy dance, with politics leading for awhile and then religion . . . .


Markings
Mark Photo

By Mark Hoelter, Coordinator for Grassroots Interfaith Dialogue

Faith and Politics is a large subject. The relationship between them has been approached several ways in the course of history. I'm going to abstract from those ways to present some basic options. On the one hand, it's about how free you and I should be to live out our religious tradition (or our secularity), and to follow the dictates of our individual consciences. On the other hand, it's about if, how much, and how we should press or even impose our beliefs and practices on each other.

Let's suppose I believe that I and my group have the sure and final word on the sacred truth, the whole sacred truth and nothing but the sacred truth, so help me God. It seems reasonable to me to try to impress and impose certain beliefs and behaviors upon you (and the rest of humanity). I would do this for everyone’s own best good, so that everyone could arrive at my group's version of the truly good life on this side of death, as well as eternal whatever (something supremely good) after death.

Fair enough. However, let's also suppose you believe that you and your group have the sure and final word on the whole sacred truth. And so, to you it seems quite reasonable for you to impress and impose your beliefs and behaviors upon me (and the rest of humanity). And you want also to do this for everyone's own best good in this life and something supremely good after death.

Now, we have a conflict. How shall we decide which of us gets to impress and impose beliefs and behaviors? We could fight it out to the finish, bloody or otherwise. (I'll call this Faith & Politics, version A.) Although, at the end, would we in victory actually prove which way was really true, or just which group was bigger or stronger? And if I get you to believe and behave in the way I know is best for you, but do so by making laws and imposing behaviors, will you be saved anyway? Will it be free choice, from your heart of hearts, or just a cover- your-butt conformity (to coin a theological expression)? And if it's the latter, will I, in fact, have contributed to your eternal fall? And what if my actions, with their inevitable human clumsiness, just make you mad and resentful and lead you to rebel against the good?

Well, okay, so maybe we've taken that conflict to a draw. Obviously (obviously?), it's going to be better if I persuade you than if I impose on you. So, then, I want to set up a system that allows me to try to persuade you of the superiority of my group's way. Of course fair's fair, so that means I have to allow you to do the same. (I'll call this Faith & Politics, version B) But now, what if I don't want you poking your nose in my tent trying to persuade me? Or, you don't want me poking my nose in your tent?

Well, it's starting to feel a little icy in here now, isn't it? I want to protect my purity (and time) and you want to protect yours. The saying of the philosopher, Nietzsche, comes to mind at this point: "I would consider becoming a Christian if only Christians looked a little more redeemed." Christian or Hindu or Muslim or Jew or Sikh or whatever . . . I think we're not looking any too redeemed at this point, unless you think icy politeness looks redeemed or enlightened or liberated. Not too warmly winsome. The juicy passion that makes life worth living and conversation worth having is missing in action.

Perhaps we can put together a system that allows you to visit me and listen to my way if you want to, and me to do the same with you, if I want to. Perhaps we can add the following: Let there be places and times where I may do my best to persuade anyone who will listen to me, including you, and you may do the same. And, let there be rules allowing me and my group to live and model our way, and you to do the same, but no one forces anything on anyone. (I'll call this Faith & Politics, version C)

Perhaps the highly esteemed rabbi, Gamaliel, can be a good guide to us here. In 33 or 34 C.E. some reforming Pharisee Jews of Jerusalem got so hot they just wanted to kill some other reforming Pharisee Jews of Jerusalem. The ones they wanted to kill were aggressively pushing a new version of reforms, which were radically filtered through Jesus-stories and Jesus-sayings. After some study, Rabbi Gamaliel said to the first group, his group, "Leave them alone. If their movement is wrong and totally a human creation, it will evaporate. If it comes from G*d, you won’t be able to stop it." (Hmmm . . . that could make one wonder about the religions that are older, or younger, than Judaism and Christianity, that still are around and thriving. Maybe evaporation takes longer in some cases.)

Now, in the middle of these thoughts, let us imagine a huge squall has been reported moving in, bringing a foot or more of rain. And let's say the levee on the north side of the city is dangerously weak at one point. We all know if it doesn't get yeoman-like help from the lot of us, the most helpless people in town (and more) could all drown. So, what do you think? Can we put our faith differences aside to go shore up the levee together? Can we lay purity and competing versions of the sacred truth aside for two days and nights of elbow to elbow mud and gutsy work for the good of the whole? Of course we can. It's been done before. So we do it. (I'll call this Faith & Politics, version P—for Practical)

Now a new question: what is the energy moving in us and among us as we work elbow to elbow in a fury before the fury of the storm hits? What is the good contagion I feel when you help me lift what I can't lift alone, so a third person can shove a new levee stone into place? What is it I feel when, after grueling hours of this, we three then sit down together and share mugs of cocoa and sighs of relief and hearty laughter? Or the mutual satisfaction after the storm passes and the levee held? Is it a faith thing? Is it a politics thing? Is it irrelevant? Could it be religion's ideal? Could it be the ideal of how we should live in a city as citizens (literally "city-zens," the meaning of politics—from Greek, polis, meaning "city") of any faith? (I'll call this Faith & Politics, version Px, for Praxis—action with mutual reflection.)

Another saying comes to mind, its source lost to me right now: "One of the main functions of the word 'G- o-d' is to remind us that we aren’t God." Of course I know that’s true for you, but is it also true for me and my firmest conviction? Do I know how to ask a rhetorical question or not? The Christian saint, Paul of Tarsus, also a Pharisee Jew, said that at our very best we all "see through a glass darkly." It's an exquisite metaphor worth exploring deeply in any discussion of faith and politics. On this side of the dark glass we see our reflection as much as we see through the glass. The other side of the dark glass may hold surprises for us all when we get there, however we get there.

Stories come to mind of Krishna in ancient India, the Prophets of Israel, Lao Tzu in ancient China, the Buddha, Socrates, Jesus, Paul, Muhammad, the Baal Shem Tov, and Mohandas Gandhi--of how all of them poked, prodded, and jiggled the religious establishments they were born into and, just as much or more, the political establishments around them. Almost always they are stories about breaking sacred rules to include more people. Over and over their followers are taken aback by the rule-breaking and by which people they included, without making those people pass some truth or behavior test first. It was, wasn't it, their way of reminding all folks that "You aren’t God. These rules aren't God. This institution isn’t God." Perhaps the questions, which have almost become cliché, are still good: “What would the Buddha . . . Jesus . . . Muhammad . . . Gandhi do?"

I don't mean to suggest it's easy. What if you strongly believe that for you to do certain things is to violate your conscience, offend the core of your tradition, and is really, really, really wrong? For you to harbor or permit the doing of those things by others is a grievous sin against the divine will as you understand it and against the essence of humanity. And my equally strong belief is just the opposite. But doesn’t that take us back to where we started in this article? Are we both saying we actually don't "see through a glass darkly?" On the other hand, do we really doubt that if I had been born into your family and religion I would most likely hold all your beliefs and follow your practices; if you had been born into mine, you would hold my beliefs and follow my practices?

I personally think Sir Alfred North Whitehead got it right. The only "power of God" that makes sense is not the power of force, but totally and solely the power of persuasion; the only "Faith & Politics," one that both safeguards and empowers the art of persuasion. He echoes and interprets Taoist wisdom: "Nothing in the world is as soft and yielding as water. Yet for dissolving the hard and inflexible, nothing can surpass it." I leave you with a final quote from the Oregon City born, poetic heir of Walt Whitman--Edwin Markham. I'll call it Faith & Politics, version X-Y. Here's the political process (which, of course, entails good dialogue): He drew a circle that shut me out; Heretic, rebel, a thing to flout; But love and I had the wit to win; We drew a circle that took him in.


Faith and Politics: An Uneasy Alliance, or an Unholy One?

Randy Benn is a partner in the Washington law firm of LeBoeuf, Lamb, Greene, and MacRae, LLP. He is also a Presbyterian Church Elder and a member of the IFC Board.

The role of people of faith in the government of our Republic is and always has been controversial. Our Founding Fathers included men of deep religious belief, religious skeptics, and atheists. George Washington, for instance, practiced an eclectic approach to his personal religious experience. According to scholars, he was not particular about the house of worship, attending Quaker, German Reformed, and Roman Catholic services as well as those conducted by mainline Protestants. He was just as inclusive in his personal hiring, welcoming (in his own words) 'Mohametans, Jews, or Christians of any sect, or they may be Atheists, as long as they are good workmen.' Yet, when it came to questions of institutionalizing faith in political fora, Washington and his fellow framers of the Constitution found it a challenge to find common ground. Finally, leading colonial statesmen Thomas Jefferson and James Madison argued for and won "a wall of separation between church and state," represented in the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment to the Constitution ("Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion . . .").

While it is clear that the Establishment Clause was intended to prohibit the federal government from declaring and financially supporting a national religion, it is far less clear whether it was also intended to prevent the federal government from supporting Christianity (certainly the founding faith of the country) in general. Ironically, that same First Congress that legislated against the establishment of religion also opened its session with prayer and voted to apportion federal dollars to launch Christian missions in the Indian lands. Since then, there have been many Supreme Court decisions addressing these issues. In 1952, Justice Douglas wrote that the Constitution does not require "callous indifference to religion," while a majority of the current Supreme Court justices joined Justice Souter in a 1994 opinion in which he said that "government should not prefer one religion to another, or religion to irreligion."

For many, these decisions have raised as many questions as they have answered. The absence of clear legal jurisprudence to guide the intersection of faith and politics has left many religious leaders uneasy about political participation and uncertain about their proper role in the public debate. What then should the role of the faith community be in political discourse? I agree with the writer Walter Russell Mead who said in the September/October 2006 issue of Foreign Affairs that "religion has always been a major force in U.S. politics, policy, identity, and culture. Religion shapes the nation's character, helps form Americans' ideas about the world, and influences the ways Americans respond to events beyond their borders. Religion explains both Americans' sense of themselves as a chosen people and their belief that they have a duty to spread their values throughout the world. Of course, not all Americans believe such things—and those who do often bitterly disagree over exactly what they mean. But enough believe them that the ideas exercise profound influence over the country's behavior abroad and at home."

It is certainly true that America is a very religious society. In survey after survey, overwhelming majorities (over 95 percent in a recent ABC news poll) say they believe in God. A Gallup Organization survey for CNN and USA Today last December found much the same thing: nearly nine in ten—86 percent—said they believed in God, while another 8 percent said they believe in some form of "universal spirit or higher power."

Given these numbers, it seems obvious that the faith community has a crucial role to play in politics. While America is not and never should become a theocracy, our country's governors have always been guided by Judeo/Christian ethics, which are the foundation of our Constitution. It is increasingly common for our leaders to refer to religious principles in their discourse. Many of the Nation's religious leaders have been important political advisors (recall pictures of the Rev. Billy Graham playing golf with several presidents or Jesse Jackson warming up the crowd at political rallies) while others have built institutions urging social change or spearheaded peace movements (think Jim Wallis, Rick Warren or, of course, Martin Luther King Jr.). More recently, the evangelical or "Christian right" movement has found very effective ways to be heard through grass roots political advocacy, particularly at the state level. Their success has swung many elections in the last several decades and has pushed certain hot button social issues (abortion/homosexuality/stem cell research) to the forefront of the national political agenda.

These developments have put increasing pressure on politicians to address the role that their faith has in guiding their own values and beliefs and in shaping their public agendas. President Bush has made many references to his Christian beliefs and how they have guided his political choices. Recent major speeches by Senators Obama and Kerry have explored the issues of faith and politics, as have recent talks by former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright. In his keynote address at the 2006 "Call to Renewal" Conference sponsored by the progressive Christian group Sojourners, Sen. Obama said that "secularists are wrong when they ask believers to leave their religion at the door before entering into the public square. Frederick Douglass, Abraham Lincoln, William Jennings Bryan, Dorothy Day, Martin Luther King— indeed, the majority of great reformers in American history—were not only motivated by faith but repeatedly used religious language to argue for their cause. So to say that men and women should not inject their ‘personal morality’ into public policy debates is a practical absurdity. Our law is by definition a codification of morality, much of it grounded in the Judeo-Christian tradition."

Of course, that Judeo-Christian tradition is being challenged by immigration and shifting demographics. Whatever it once was, America is changing, and changing fast—it now includes significant populations of Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, and Buddhists, among other faith communities. Fortunately, as Ms. Albright notes, "for all the differences in doctrine, the underlying values of most religions are similar—the golden rule has roots in almost every culture." The new America is an interfaith America. And, in a pluralistic society, there is an urgent need for the interfaith community to teach our political leaders to recognize and embrace diverse religious views and to help establish laws and policy that promote justice and peace. In the midst of local confrontations and global crises of religious divisiveness, especially in the years following the tragedy of 9/11, such political leadership by the interfaith community is more important and more necessary than ever.


27th Annual InterFaith Concert

Attending the 27th Annual InterFaith Concert on Tuesday, November 14 at 7:30 p.m. at Washington Hebrew Congregation will give you the chance to experience the song, dance, and chant that are sacred to nine of our member faith traditions.

The concert has been called "one of Washington's most inspiring evenings," and this year we are proud to honor master builder James V. Walsh – principal of Walsh Construction Company, which has built or renovated nearly every building on the Mall in Washington.

Mr. Van Gilmer, former director of the Metropolitan Washington Baha'i Chorale and current music minister at the Baha'i House of Worship in Wilmette, Illinois, will return to Washington to conduct a combined choir of nearly 200 voices. Individual performances will be offered by the aforementioned Baha'i Chorale, the St. Camillus Catholic Church Multicultural Choir, the Jewish group Zemer Chai, the Cambodian Buddhist Temple Dancers, the LDS Colonial II Ward Choir, the Lasya Academy of Kathak Dance, a Metropolitan Protestant Consortium Choir, the Islamic group Seven 8 Six and Sikh Kirtani Jatha.

Tickets are available for purchase by calling the InterFaith Conference at 202-234-6300. MasterCard and Visa are accepted. You can also mail us a check or money order. Ticket prices are $15 for general admission ($12.50 each for groups of ten or more) and $30 for reserved section seating ($25 each for groups of ten or more.) A dessert reception will follow the concert. Washington Hebrew Congregation is located at 3935 Macomb Street NW at Massachusetts Avenue. Street parking is available in the neighborhood, or you can take the Metro Red Line to Dupont Circle and take the N2-4-6 buses northbound or to Tenleytown/AU and take the 30s series buses in the direction of downtown. Volunteers get to see the concert for free! If you are interested in volunteering at the concert, please contact IFC Assistant Director Mike Goggin at 202- 234-6300 x 202 or mikeg@ifcmw.org.


Update: IFC Religious Freedom Actions

 

    • InterFaith Legislative Review Committee for Religious Liberty: This IFC committee, comprised of representatives from our eleven different faith traditions, reviews and responds to legislation affecting religious freedom and the separation between church and state in the Maryland and Virginia state legislatures and the District of Columbia's Council. It also monitors events arising in the city and county councils included in metropolitan Washington. On September 28, we welcomed over twenty representatives from nine faith traditions to the inaugural meeting. Participants traveled from as far away as Annapolis and Richmond to discuss religious freedom challenges around the area. The Committee is already hard at work on a number of issues and initiatives. If you are interested in participating, please contact Courtney Erwin at courtneye@ifcm w.org.
    • Religious Tensions in Washington DC: The IFC recently learned of tensions between several religious congregations and some residents in a neighborhood of the District. We will be working to facilitate a resolution of the issues. If there are tensions between the religious community and residents or your local city or county government, please contact Courtney Erwin at courtneye@ifcm w.org
    • Religious Freedom Dialogue and Workshop: The IFC is creating a dynamic and dialogic workshop for communities of faith. This interactive and interfaith project focuses on educating our religious communities about religious freedom in America and its commitment to church- state separation. We hope to bring this educational dialogue to your house of worship. We are already committed to hosting a number of workshops in the area. If you are interested in participating, please contact Courtney Erwin at courtneye@ifcm w.org.
    • Hate Crimes: The IFC is working with the Department of Justice to explore how the broad religious community can work effectively with police departments in responding to hate incidents and hate crimes that occur in the metropolitan area. If you know of a hate crime committed against any individual or community in the name of religion, please report it to Courtney Erwin at courtneye@ifcm w.org. The IFC will respond.

For more information about all religious freedom issues, please contact IFC Coordinator for Religious Freedom Courtney Erwin at 202.234.6300.


Spotlight: The National Gurdwara's Celebration and Open House

By Courtney Erwin, Coordinator for Religious Freedom

Guru Nanak, the founder of Sikhism, taught by example. In fact, the three central tenants of Sikhism emerged from the way he lived his life: 1) Nam Japa—To get up each day before sunrise, to clean the body, meditate on God’s Name and recite the Guru’s hymns in order to clean the mind. Throughout the day, continuously remember God’s Name with every breath; 2) Dharam di Kirat Karni—To work and earn by the sweat of the brow, to live a family way of life, and to practice truthfulness and honesty in all dealings; 3) Vand Ke Chakna—To share the fruits of one’s labor with others before considering oneself and to live as an inspiration and a support to the entire community.

This last tenet is the motivation for the National Gurdwara's Open House and Blood Drive on November 4th from 10am–3:30pm (3801 Massachusettes Avenue, NW, Washington, DC 20016, a block West of Wisconsin Ave.). On this day, the National Gurdwara will share its hospitality and spirituality with friends, neighbors, and community members. In addition, it hopes that those who visit the gurdwara (Sikh house of worship) will share their blood with those who desperately need it. As Satwant Kaur Bell, the president of the National Gurdwara, says, "Guru Nanak's teachings ask us to share and support the entire community. He did not say only one community."

Fittingly, the weekend of the open house is the birth anniversary of Guru Nanak. In celebration, members of the National Gurdwara's congregation will begin reading, at 7am on Friday, the entire Guru Granth Sahib, which is the written compilation of the teachings of all of the ten Sikh gurus. In fact, this book is considered the eleventh guru—the living guru. The reading of the Guru Granth Sahib will continue, uninterrupted and unaccompanied by music, for forty eight hours. Children, adults, priests, and lay people all participate in the recitation, usually reading for an hour or two before the next person steps in to continue, without pause in the reading. By Sunday morning, a symphony of voices will have read 1,430 pages of Punjabi script. That morning, the gurdwara will be full with those rejoicing, and music will again accompany the singing of the hymns, which will focus on those contributed by Guru Nanak.

Those who visit the gurdwara during the Open House will experience a continuous flow of people pouring into the gurdwara to listen to the recitation. As Kaur Bell remarks, "The reading of the word is so important. It takes discipline and learning to do it. Listening is also important and enriches the environment around you, providing strength and empowerment. The experience is very participatory and draws the community together. It is very inspiring." Those who visit the gurdwara will also enjoy traditional Indian food with the Sikhs. In fact, during this weekend celebration, the gurdwara serves the langar (food) around the clock.

For more information, please visit www.natio nalgurdwara.org/ or call 202-364-0363 or 703-671-2556.

If your faith community has an interesting project that you would like us to spotlight, please contact Courtney Erwin at 202.234.6300 x. 204.


God's Politics: Why the Right Gets It Wrong and the Left Doesn't Get It

A Book Review by Lindsay Barrett

God has become a political entity and commodity. Today, both Republicans and Democrats misuse or ignore the name and nature of the Almighty. Or so says Jim Wallis. And, this is exactly why Wallis wrote God's Politics: Why the Right Gets It Wrong and the Left Doesn't Get It: to explore this issue and encourage the greater community of believers to examine its own interaction with scripture, political leaders, and one another.

One of Wallis's central points is that God is not the sole possession of either party. Wallis often discusses the Religious Right and its fervent use of God in rhetoric, exhibited by televangelist Pat Robertson's claim that God preordained President Bush to lead the county. The Religious Right has also invoked the image of an Armageddon-like battle between "good and evil" (namely, the U.S. versus terrorists), and repeatedly referred to inhabitants of pre-invasion Iraq as a "godless people."

Wallis also contends that both parties have misinterpreted the will of God. Some leaders of the Religious Right has claimed that everything from 9/11 to Hurricane Katrina have been the results of the direct judgment of God in response to abortion, homosexuality, and various other "sinful behaviors." Oddly, the French Quarter, a seeming cesspool of immorality, escaped most of the storm. Wallis notes that Democrats are no better, either letting these statements slide without criticism or blaming the same events on globalization, foreign policy, and militarism. The author encourages faith communities to combat these divisive and dangerous statements and offer, instead, a prophetic voice.

Rather than watching the take over of religious ideals and interpretations, Wallis exhorts members of the faith communities to examine scripture and look beyond simplistic generalizations aimed at grabbing the attention of voters of both parties. He pushes us to consider the following: Does God call on Americans to fight poverty? Does God really want us to reduce the issue of poverty down to "welfare queens?" How would God feel about the misuse of funds in federal programs? How does scripture want us to deal with abortion, gay marriage, capital punishment, and immigration? How are we to negotiate the extreme opinions of both parties while uncovering God’s truth? Should "the faithful" support a war that kills both terrorists and civilian children? As Abraham Lincoln once stated, "You know, the thing is not if God is on our side, the important thing is, are we on God’s side?"

Wallis's paramount criticism of Democrats is their choosing to remove God from public discourse entirely instead of drawing the line between imposition of religious values and dialogue or pluralism. Certainly, Wallis contends, America needs the presence and honest words of God now more than ever. Why shouldn't traditional issues of the party including poverty, women's rights, education, and social services be religious imperatives? Wallis notes that scripture is full of references to our social obligation. The Democratic Party needs more voices like that of Senator Barak Obama, who proudly proclaimed, "We have an awesome God in the blue states!" Though never stated by the author, I would argue that traditional or moderate Republicans who do not agree with the Religious Right's takeover of the party should also join in this declaration of their faith.

God’s Politics is both insightful and provocative. The author critiqued both sides of the aisle in a way rarely seen in today's partisan environment. Often, I have to switch between two or three networks/radio stations/websites to find the middle ground, which I believe most approximates the truth. Wallis made this search easy through his careful examination of the highlights and disgraces of both parties.

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